我想到还欠着许同学一篇关于制度与腐败的回应,里面也还是纠缠着许多历史的"评价"问题.昨晚上听到以下沈志华教授与学生的对谈,觉得似可以回应到便引录于此.沈教授的基本观点我都认同,虽然细节上和一些表达上仍值得商榷.而学生的问题似也对应到许的许多疑问.但沈也说了，（政治）评价不是历史学家的话，历史学家只作事实是怎样，和我怎么认识这个事实。至于一个事件是正确的还是错误的，一个人是正确的还是错误的，这些政治评价不是历史学家应该做的事情。
长途旅行中常常听各色人等在各种场合积极发表自己的观点.我渐觉得我们这个社会的许多人其实是很热心与人分享自己对这种事件,对历史和人物的观点的.但在表达上,却尤其凌厉的很,声要大,语气要坚定不容置喙,但又要让人觉得你说话风趣幽默.一整个下来,尤其是中年以后的认为自己阅历颇多的人,都是如此.在你面前,他所想展示的是,我的观点要有一种"权威",最浅显的也要在声势上压倒你.我在去亚丁的路上听到人谈新疆冲突,谈藏族人的淳朴与"不开化",谈汉族旅游的经济政治文化效应;在渣滓洞听人讲毛蒋成败史他们的诠释;等等等等.在听到那么多热心而强势的（I am not discussing with you but telling you that...）话语之后，许多想法，而其中最重要的是我觉得我得倒着来。不要轻易发表自己的看法，不要认为自己的一家之言是可以去盖棺的，不要以为一人可以穷尽所有知识。所以以下也只是引录别人的话阐述别人的观点，但仍是可讨论的，且值得讨论的问题。由此也无需去叹海棠无香，鲥鱼多刺，倒是红楼未完还留有一丝遗憾的美。
学生: 沈教授你好,我就是有一些自己的想法,有一些问题想请教您.您刚才提到57年的反右,以及之后的四清运动,社会主义教育运动,乃至之后的文革,怎么说呢.可以说是毛个人治国方针的一系列的,有内在逻辑联系的.我先讲一下我个人的一个思考.就是说毛他实际上是站在一个很高的战略家的高度,他在建国前就和黄炎培有一段对话.黄炎培问他,说中国历史上有一个从兴旺到灭亡的周期率，每个朝代开头都是好的，后来腐败了，灭亡了，“其兴也勃焉，其亡也忽焉”。你毛泽东和共产党怎么才能走出这个循环?我还听到,不知道是不是真实的,毛在临终前和华国锋讲过说我这个人一辈子就干了两件事,一件是打下这个江山,一件是搞文革,前面这个很少有人有异议,后面的就很多人搞不懂我想做什么.所以我的一个理解就是毛从建国以后他实际上就是在想一个办法就是怎么能够解决官员有权以后就开始腐败的问题,这是中外古今从来没有跳出这个问题.所以呢他开始慢慢在尝试.所以我觉得反右的时候,很多人提到说他是要引蛇出洞,还是怎么样也好,我不同意这个观点.他反右的时候,开始确实是想要个方面的声音呢能够来监督共产党,最后出现了很多人他们确实是,就是到了一种他想推翻共产党这个政权然后谋求他个人的私利的时候,我觉得毛镇压他们,这个是很正常的.但是从他的这个思路整个连贯一直到文革他将说我没有办法了,怎么解决这个问题,那只能让老百姓起来造这个当权者的反,才能解决这个问题.他这个做法确实是古今中外都没有的手笔,这是我个人的看法,这是我的思考,想请教您,两个问题:
1. 是不是需要重新评价文革及这一系列的历史事件,因为从个人的思考来讲,对毛的很多评价是不公正的.包括您今天提到刘少奇等很多人的他们的政策的思考,他们所站的高度没有毛的思想境界高;第二呢,这个问题对现在有现实意义,为什么呢,毛预言说如果你们不搞文革,要搞刘少奇的这套,也可以,中国可以暂时的富强一下,但是官员腐败然后脱离群众等等一系列问题就会跟着来,这是问题的两个面.所以如果现在不重新评价文革的话,现在这些现实的问题该怎么看待?
2. 第二个问题我就是想问，古今中外这个政治上的问题，腐败就是没法解决。毛对尼克松讲说你那里的问题跟我一样，只不过你那换一种形式罢了。那么这个腐败的问题，有没有比毛更好的办法？
我的问题问完了。谢谢。
沈：我不是什么政治家，所以呢也不太懂政治，我想从历史的角度来回答你的问题。。。我总的想法是这样的，我也觉得毛很担心他夺取的政权会得而复失，这是一个什么观念，这基本上就是一个农民起义领袖的观念，就是李自成，朱元璋阿，是这么一种观念。原来这个皇家不是我的，是我靠枪杆子把它拿下来了，拿下来以后就姓我的姓了。只不过他改了一下，改成了共产党。他基本的观念就是老子打江山就要坐江山，所以我想说的就是他解决党内问题的前提是为了自己坐江山，这是第一要搞清楚的。那么自己坐江山能不能坐的下去，有几种办法。毛想的办法是要使党的干部永远保持清廉。那怎么使他们保持清廉呢，就是要不断地教育他们，不断地进行整风，这是他的一个基本的想法。反右的时候没实现，之后又搞四清，四清呢他觉得又让刘少奇把方向给扭了，最后搞了文革。所以后来他跟华国锋讲的那些话，也是他一辈子想不明白的问题。但是我们想一想，即便他搞成了，这个人的思想是教育的过来的么？这个我们回归到马克思主义的一个基本的道理，是存在决定意识。你这个思想为什么会腐化，是因为存在决定的。生活在这个环境当中，生活在这个条件下。那么有没有办法来解决这个问题呢？在我看来，只能改变制度，不是调整个别方针的问题。刚才我举的一个例子我觉得很能说明问题，那个基层干部说老子革命十几年都没人监督，革命成功了反而让人来监督我，他想不通。为什么想不通，因为你是农民起义者。你以为老子打下的江山就永远都是我的，这个跟现代的国家意识是完全不同的。其实这个问题认识比较早的是谁呢，是铁托。波匈事件以后当中共苏共都在反思这个问题，为什么斯大林会犯那么多的错误，他可是革命领袖，那是神啊，结果杀了几十万了，然后一个错误接一个错误，觉得不可理解。毛给他定性成什么呢，他认为是斯大林哲学没学好，他不懂辩证法阿！他应该好好学哲学。铁托的结果是什么呢，他认为这不是斯大林个人的问题，是社会主义制度的问题。制度赋予了他无限的权力，没有人监督他。这个制度是不允许民主的，听不到不同的声音。而且我再怎么错，党内可以惩治我，但你被统治者是不能惩治我的。所以有什么问题我可以调整一下人，但我的政权不变。这个能解决根本的腐化问题么？当然我现在不是说西方民主国家就没有腐败问题，但总体来说要少很多。很简单，它有一个公开的监督制度，你搞不好你这个党就下台，换一个上来。但共产党没有这个忧虑。它不是没有这个忧虑，它有这个忧虑，它就是因为怕这个所以它搞阶级斗争，反而把这个社会弄得越来越紧张。如果它真正施行像56年的那个，其实我那本书就是回答这个问题，从头到尾当时共产党到底是怎么想的。它又要坐稳这个政权又要解决出现的社会矛盾。所以当时提出这个“互相监督，长期共存”的方针（民主党派的8字方针），其实就是有这么一个想法，想搞“多党制”，“大民主”，刘少奇他们当时都说过这个话。说像美国那样，那美国总统多好，下来可以当律师，当教师，可以当什么等等。56年的时候，不管党内还是党外，都开始思考这些问题，但是一个反右，整个事情全变了。所以这个问题呢是有个历史的原因。我并不认为毛这样做就对，从根本上来讲，他不是就解决一个社会一个国家发展，其实整风也不是一个根本的措施。当然我觉得在他那个角度他那个位置，他那个用心还是良好的。
问题：
1. 用心是否好，思想高度是否足够高是不是评价标准之一？
2. 宣称唯物的政党实际是最唯心的。
3. 整风精神继续流传，社会动员机制和想法依然存在。
2009年7月31日星期五
孙万国评<如在如来佛掌中>
今天晚上在图书馆看杂志,看到澳洲Mouash东亚学系高级讲师孙万国在《二十一世纪》上的给本书的一篇书评，题为《「張東蓀謎案」彌增其謎──敬讀戴晴新書兼與作者商榷》
《二十一世纪》的网络版的部分摘录参见：http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/issue/extract/0904028.htm
在这篇书评中，孙肯定了戴晴搜寻资料的努力，也称许其写作的勇气可嘉爱憎分明，评价此书为“一部個性鮮明、文字鼓動，充滿感情色彩與政治理念的著作”。想来，我在上一篇自己的想法里（尚且还称不上书评）也留意到戴这本书的一个特色，即政论多于传记，或者说是以写人物传记的形式阐发自己的政治理念，而这个理念，大抵上在孙的这篇书评当中已揭示出来了。当然孙文章的重要之处还在于质疑本书的部分基本观点和细节论述。譬如说从开头，到行文最后讲诉第一次政治协商会议上的投票事件，戴晴“考证”的结论是张东荪投了毛的反对票，毛因此怀恨在心，在之后的运动对他进行报复。孙认为戴的这些“考证”还停留在猜测阶段，并没有十分确实的证据（事实上在我先前的评论里面，我的阅读感觉也是戴的孤证太多，很多问题并不有论证清楚，很多都是她意气的猜测，尽管有时她的猜测好像也符合“情理”与想象）。孙质疑的论据大家可以去找文章来看，这里简单但最为重要的是，孙也观察到戴在写作中，张东荪对毛，对共产党的态度是有些矛盾的，有些反复的。事实上解放军进城之前张对“和平解放”北平还是作出过努力帮助过共产党的，毛也对其大加称赞，张似乎对毛也不是那么反感，为何到了49年中忽然反感起来了呢？戴也没有详尽地写到，这个转变是不是太急遽一些呢（尽管张在戴笔下对共产主义意识形态一直比较反感）。孙又提出一个看似玩笑的议题，说其实当时在场有权利投票的众多政协委员中，还有一个王明。想来王明更有可能投不赞成毛的票（这里还有一点重要的是，戴自己引述时说检票的人员反复核查后认定有一张是无效的票，但并没有说反对票，戴后来就把这票当作反对票来诠释了）。孙隐约地暗示（有些地方则比较直接地质疑）戴在书中参杂去很多的个人价值判断下的猜测，所以他说，“戴晴这一老毛子混帐的主题，贯穿于全书，既是前提，又是结论。在国外，这可是个政治正确的命题。。。妖魔化毛。。在海外大有市场”。回归到本书性质上，我也更为确信其有学术价值但非我的定义和观念里的“学术专著”。
孙的书评还质疑了许多戴书中的细节问题，还发散性的阐述了一些观点，包括孙认为张东荪之所以被打倒，毛的不满是一个方面，但更为重要的是民盟的作用。孙引用戴的材料说明毛，只从文献事实上来说对张有不满，说以后不想和他在一个会上讨论问题，但并未说要把他打倒，一败涂地。倒是民盟中的人士火上浇油，给张带上严重政治罪行的高帽。孙认为民盟内部的派系主义与其对专制执政党的依附性共同导致了张的悲剧。
《二十一世纪》的网络版的部分摘录参见：http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/issue/extract/0904028.htm
在这篇书评中，孙肯定了戴晴搜寻资料的努力，也称许其写作的勇气可嘉爱憎分明，评价此书为“一部個性鮮明、文字鼓動，充滿感情色彩與政治理念的著作”。想来，我在上一篇自己的想法里（尚且还称不上书评）也留意到戴这本书的一个特色，即政论多于传记，或者说是以写人物传记的形式阐发自己的政治理念，而这个理念，大抵上在孙的这篇书评当中已揭示出来了。当然孙文章的重要之处还在于质疑本书的部分基本观点和细节论述。譬如说从开头，到行文最后讲诉第一次政治协商会议上的投票事件，戴晴“考证”的结论是张东荪投了毛的反对票，毛因此怀恨在心，在之后的运动对他进行报复。孙认为戴的这些“考证”还停留在猜测阶段，并没有十分确实的证据（事实上在我先前的评论里面，我的阅读感觉也是戴的孤证太多，很多问题并不有论证清楚，很多都是她意气的猜测，尽管有时她的猜测好像也符合“情理”与想象）。孙质疑的论据大家可以去找文章来看，这里简单但最为重要的是，孙也观察到戴在写作中，张东荪对毛，对共产党的态度是有些矛盾的，有些反复的。事实上解放军进城之前张对“和平解放”北平还是作出过努力帮助过共产党的，毛也对其大加称赞，张似乎对毛也不是那么反感，为何到了49年中忽然反感起来了呢？戴也没有详尽地写到，这个转变是不是太急遽一些呢（尽管张在戴笔下对共产主义意识形态一直比较反感）。孙又提出一个看似玩笑的议题，说其实当时在场有权利投票的众多政协委员中，还有一个王明。想来王明更有可能投不赞成毛的票（这里还有一点重要的是，戴自己引述时说检票的人员反复核查后认定有一张是无效的票，但并没有说反对票，戴后来就把这票当作反对票来诠释了）。孙隐约地暗示（有些地方则比较直接地质疑）戴在书中参杂去很多的个人价值判断下的猜测，所以他说，“戴晴这一老毛子混帐的主题，贯穿于全书，既是前提，又是结论。在国外，这可是个政治正确的命题。。。妖魔化毛。。在海外大有市场”。回归到本书性质上，我也更为确信其有学术价值但非我的定义和观念里的“学术专著”。
孙的书评还质疑了许多戴书中的细节问题，还发散性的阐述了一些观点，包括孙认为张东荪之所以被打倒，毛的不满是一个方面，但更为重要的是民盟的作用。孙引用戴的材料说明毛，只从文献事实上来说对张有不满，说以后不想和他在一个会上讨论问题，但并未说要把他打倒，一败涂地。倒是民盟中的人士火上浇油，给张带上严重政治罪行的高帽。孙认为民盟内部的派系主义与其对专制执政党的依附性共同导致了张的悲剧。
2009年7月30日星期四
不可逾越的心坎
陈平原的<大英博物馆日记>中写到他在德国访问时和W教授争吵.W教授认为中国人不如西方人具备"世界视野",一个例证是中国没有像西方很多国家一样建有收藏东方文物的博物馆.两人争吵不休.最后陈火了(这么温文儒雅的教授阿),脱口而出,你们博物馆那些东西都是怎么来的.W教授噤声,但显然两人都互相不服气.
在凌志军的<中国新革命>中也有这么一个桥段.
"1999年5月27日，法院开庭审理微软起诉亚都一案。有好一阵子，中关村里人人都替亚都捏了一把汗，觉得它就要声誉扫地了。可是法官却戏剧性地注意到某些事情，或者说没有注意到某些事情。微软不是在起诉“亚都科技集团”吗？可是它的调查人员一时糊涂，拿出来的证据都是“亚都科技股份有限公司”的。这两个公司同在上地亚都大厦中，前者是母公司，后者是子公司，虽有亲缘关系，但毕竟不是一家。法官就这样找到了法律依据，驳回微软的诉讼。他费了好大力气，终于让微软明白，它告错了人了。这一边，何鲁敏迅速发动舆论--就像他自己后来承认的，“那时候北约轰炸不久，民族主义情绪高涨，稍微引导引导，就不一样了”。
微软卯足力气打出一拳，竟打错了人，不免尴尬，有意识到天时地利都是负数，只好暂时收手。具有讽刺意味的是，当时亚都债台高筑，同时面临60场官司，其中59场都是败诉，只有和微软这个官司除外。何鲁敏在很长时间里都挺紧张，以为必输无疑，所以态度一直都很温和。到了在法庭上面做最后陈述时，他忽然意识到自己占了上风，所以满心怒火喷涌而出。他在很多年后和朋友谈起当时情形，已经心平气和，承认那是“最后的狡辩”。他先指出微软“告错了对象”，接着面带讥讽地说：“我跟你实话实说，‘盗版’是事实。我本人虽然并不负有法律责任，但是我不反对这种事情。我不反对用盗版。”旁听席上的一大堆人，都被这话惊得张大嘴巴。他有自问自答：“为什么？这个和我受的教育有关。我在清华大学读过书，前后十年间，每天下午我得体育活动就是到圆明园去跑一圈。圆明园告诉我，别人的东西是可以抢走的。包括美国在内的八国联军，是可以杀，可以抢，可以偷的。直到现在也没有人说这是犯罪。我就是受了这个教育。这个教育告诉我可以偷，可以抢，没什么问题。”这是中关村司法史上最不讲理的一片大道理，最无视法律的一套辩护词，也是好多中国人的真实情绪。根据在场者的回忆，当时庭上掌声雷动。被告受到鼓励，转过脸来，面对原告，继续说：“我这个观点纯粹是你们教的--无论是错还是对”。这时掌声又起，倒好像他不是被告，而是伸张正义的英雄，可惜新华社后来要求自己的记者在公开报道中不得提起这些话。"(《中国的新革命》，P276-277)
非西方社会科学学者如今强调要发展出本土理论,因为他们在学习和应用根植于西方经验的社会科学理论时发现了它们可能的水土不服症状,而且时常出现生搬硬套的问题,缺乏历史和比较视野,即不够重视本土实际经验,而是带套,带着先见的观察分析.一些显然易见的例子是现在的老牌发达国家指责一些新兴的发展中/近发达国家的经济活动带有"新/后殖民主义"的扩张倾向.在这些新兴国家中也有人在强烈支持这种言论,但他们是否批判地分析梳理过这些外来的强势的话语,仍值得部分地怀疑.表态本没有什么问题,令人犹豫的是不经过大脑的表态.我们应当承认前日不落帝国一个世纪的荣耀里,东印度公司功不可没;马关赔款也给了与我们一衣带水的东洋在19世纪末的崛起一臂之力.
当然当我们撕开一层虽然不一定伪善的但的确可能是缺乏历史眼光多姿色彩的面纱时,我们也应该注意到任何崛起都不可能没有"扩张",因为时空和各大领域的资源在某一历史时期内总是有限的.对于不同的利益相关者而言,虽然我们不能绝然地将A的失与B的得对立起来,不能排除"双赢"的存在,而所谓双赢,其本身就是在多个变量里,在ABCDEF...各自得失的妥协里了.
在凌志军的<中国新革命>中也有这么一个桥段.
"1999年5月27日，法院开庭审理微软起诉亚都一案。有好一阵子，中关村里人人都替亚都捏了一把汗，觉得它就要声誉扫地了。可是法官却戏剧性地注意到某些事情，或者说没有注意到某些事情。微软不是在起诉“亚都科技集团”吗？可是它的调查人员一时糊涂，拿出来的证据都是“亚都科技股份有限公司”的。这两个公司同在上地亚都大厦中，前者是母公司，后者是子公司，虽有亲缘关系，但毕竟不是一家。法官就这样找到了法律依据，驳回微软的诉讼。他费了好大力气，终于让微软明白，它告错了人了。这一边，何鲁敏迅速发动舆论--就像他自己后来承认的，“那时候北约轰炸不久，民族主义情绪高涨，稍微引导引导，就不一样了”。
微软卯足力气打出一拳，竟打错了人，不免尴尬，有意识到天时地利都是负数，只好暂时收手。具有讽刺意味的是，当时亚都债台高筑，同时面临60场官司，其中59场都是败诉，只有和微软这个官司除外。何鲁敏在很长时间里都挺紧张，以为必输无疑，所以态度一直都很温和。到了在法庭上面做最后陈述时，他忽然意识到自己占了上风，所以满心怒火喷涌而出。他在很多年后和朋友谈起当时情形，已经心平气和，承认那是“最后的狡辩”。他先指出微软“告错了对象”，接着面带讥讽地说：“我跟你实话实说，‘盗版’是事实。我本人虽然并不负有法律责任，但是我不反对这种事情。我不反对用盗版。”旁听席上的一大堆人，都被这话惊得张大嘴巴。他有自问自答：“为什么？这个和我受的教育有关。我在清华大学读过书，前后十年间，每天下午我得体育活动就是到圆明园去跑一圈。圆明园告诉我，别人的东西是可以抢走的。包括美国在内的八国联军，是可以杀，可以抢，可以偷的。直到现在也没有人说这是犯罪。我就是受了这个教育。这个教育告诉我可以偷，可以抢，没什么问题。”这是中关村司法史上最不讲理的一片大道理，最无视法律的一套辩护词，也是好多中国人的真实情绪。根据在场者的回忆，当时庭上掌声雷动。被告受到鼓励，转过脸来，面对原告，继续说：“我这个观点纯粹是你们教的--无论是错还是对”。这时掌声又起，倒好像他不是被告，而是伸张正义的英雄，可惜新华社后来要求自己的记者在公开报道中不得提起这些话。"(《中国的新革命》，P276-277)
非西方社会科学学者如今强调要发展出本土理论,因为他们在学习和应用根植于西方经验的社会科学理论时发现了它们可能的水土不服症状,而且时常出现生搬硬套的问题,缺乏历史和比较视野,即不够重视本土实际经验,而是带套,带着先见的观察分析.一些显然易见的例子是现在的老牌发达国家指责一些新兴的发展中/近发达国家的经济活动带有"新/后殖民主义"的扩张倾向.在这些新兴国家中也有人在强烈支持这种言论,但他们是否批判地分析梳理过这些外来的强势的话语,仍值得部分地怀疑.表态本没有什么问题,令人犹豫的是不经过大脑的表态.我们应当承认前日不落帝国一个世纪的荣耀里,东印度公司功不可没;马关赔款也给了与我们一衣带水的东洋在19世纪末的崛起一臂之力.
当然当我们撕开一层虽然不一定伪善的但的确可能是缺乏历史眼光多姿色彩的面纱时,我们也应该注意到任何崛起都不可能没有"扩张",因为时空和各大领域的资源在某一历史时期内总是有限的.对于不同的利益相关者而言,虽然我们不能绝然地将A的失与B的得对立起来,不能排除"双赢"的存在,而所谓双赢,其本身就是在多个变量里,在ABCDEF...各自得失的妥协里了.
2009年5月4日星期一
关于西南民族问题
Bibliography
Benedict Anderson1983 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread ofNationalism, London:Verso
John Breuilly1985 Nationalism and the State, Chicago: University of Chicago Press
Ernest Gellner1983 Nations and Nationalism, Cornell University Press
Anthony Smith1986 The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Oxford: Blackwell
Geertz, Clifford1967 "The Integrative Revolution: Primordial sentiments and civilpolitics in the new states" in Geertz (ed.), Old societies and newstates: the quest for modernity in Asia and Africa, New York: FreePress, pp. 105-157
Fredrik Barth1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (London: George Allen & Unwin)
Charles Keyes1981 Ethnic Change (Seattle: University of Washington Press)
Joane Nagel1994 Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identityand Culture, Social Problems, Vol. 41, No. 1
Susan J. Henders Edit2003 Democratization and Identity:Regimes and Ethnicity in East andSoutheast Asia
Stevan Harrell1990 Ethnicity, Local Interests, and the State: Yi Communities inSouthwest China, Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 32,No. 3, pp. 515-548
Colin Mackerras1995 China's minority cultures: identities and integration since 1912，St. Martin's Press
Michael Moerman1965 "Ethnic identification in a complex civilization: Who are theLue?" in American Anthropologist 67:1215-1218.
June Teufel Dreyer1976 China's Forty Millions. Cambridge and New York, Harvard University
---1978 Language Planning for China's Ethnic Minorities. Pacific Affairs.Vol. 51, No. 3, pp. 369-383
---1970 China's Minority Nationalities: Traditional and Party Elites.Pacific Affairs .Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 506-530
Herberer , T .1989 China and Its National Minorities. New York: M. E. Sharpe.
Mosley, G.1966 The Party and the National Question. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
---1973 The Consolidation of the South China Frontier. Berkeley:University of California Press.
J.C.S Hall1976 The Yunnan Provincial Faction 1927-1937. Australian NationalUniversity Press
Dorothy J. Solinger1977 Regional government and political integration in southwestChina, 1949-1954. Berkeley etc., University of California Press
---1977 Minority Nationalities in China's Yunnan Province: Assimilation,Power, and Policy in a Socialist State World Politics. Vol. 30, No. 1pp. 1-23
G. Schwarz1971, Chinese Policies towards Minorities
Wsevolod W. Isajiw1974 "Definition of Ethnicity," Ethnicity 1:115.
Robert A. Kapp1978 Themes in the History of 20th-Century Southwest China, in PacificAffairs, Vol. 51, No. 3, pp. 448-459
Nimrod Baranovitch2001 Between Alterity and Identity: New Voices of Minority People inChina. Modern China Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 359-401
Frank Dikötter1992 The Discourse of Race in Modern China, Stanford University Press
Prasenjit Duara,1993 "De-constructing the Chinese Nation", Australian Journal ofChinese Affairs, no. 30 : 1; 8-9.
---1995 Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives ofModern China，Chicago
---1997 Transnationalism and the Predicament of Sovereignty: China,1900-1945.The American Historical Review. Vol. 102, No. 4, pp.1030-1051
Diamond, Norma1993 "Ethnicity and the State: the Hua Miao of Southwest China." InEthnicity and the State, Judith D. Toland ed., pp: 55-78. NewBrunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Wu, David Y. H."Chinese Minority Policy and the Meaning of Minority Culture: theExample of Bai in Yunnan, China." Human Organization 49(1): 1-13.
Gladney, Dru C.1991 Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Harvard Press)
---1989 "How Ethnic is Ethnic? The Problem of Ethnic Identification inChina." Paper Pressented at the Association for Asian Studies 41stAnnual Meeting, Washington Hilton & Towers Hotel, 17- 19 March, 1989
---1994 "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/MinorityIdentities", Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 1
人民出版社1958《民族政策文件汇编》第1编、第2编
缪文远2003《中国西南文献丛书》（兰州：兰州大学出版社）
牙含章1979 〈建国以来民族理论战线的一场论战，《民族研究》2：3-8
王明甫1983 〈"民族:"辨〉，《民族研究》6：1-23
凌纯声1953 《边疆文化论集》（台北：中华文化出版事业委员会）
芮逸夫1972 《中国民族及其文化论稿》(上)、(下) （台北：艺文出版社）
吕思勉1934 《中国民族史》(北京：东方出版社)
蒋智由1929 《中国人种考》（上海：华通书局）
王桐龄1943 《中国民族史》(台北：华世出版社)
林惠祥1936 《中国民族史》(上海：商务印书馆)
王明珂1997 《华夏边缘：历史记忆与族群认同》(台北：允晨文化公司)
凌纯声1948 《中国边政制度论集》（南京：中国边政学会）
黄光学1994 《中国的民族识别》（北京：民族出版社）
沈松桥1997 〈我以我血荐轩辕-皇帝神话与晚清的国族建构〉， 《台湾社会研究季刊》28：1-77。
范文澜1957 〈自秦汉起中国成为统一国家的原因〉，《汉民族形成问题讨论集 》北京：三联书店。
费孝通1988 〈关于我国民族识别的问题〉，《费孝通民族研究文集》北京 ：民族出版社。
方国瑜1982 《滇史论丛》（上海：人民出版社）
民族出版社 (编)1979 《社会主义新世纪民族工作的任务》（北京：民族出版社)
李绍明1985 《西南民族研究之新发展》（油印本）
胡绍华2004 《中国南方民族史研究》（北京：民族出版社）
利瓦伊汉1980 《关于民族理论和民族政策的若干问题》（北京：民族出版社）。
---1981 《统一战线问题与民族问题》（北京：人民出版社）
周恩来1957 (1980) 《关于我国民族政策的几个问题》（北京：人民出版社）
--1981《周恩来同志对民族问题与民族政策论述选编》（北京 ：中央民院民研所）
彭英明1985〈关于我国民族概念历史的初步考察〉，《民族研究》 ，第2期，页5-11
梁钊韬 (等)1983 《中国民族学概论》（昆明：云南人民出版社）
国家民委 (国家民族事务委员会政策研究室)1979 《民族政策讲话》（北京：民族出版社）
郑金德1972 《中共文化大革命（1966）前的少数民族政策》（台北 ：国立政治大学边政研究所硕士论文）
赵洪慈1974 《中共政权少数民族政策》（台北：国立政治大学边政研究所博士论 文）
谢剑1990 〈试论中国大陆的民族识别工作及其问题〉，《香港中文大学中国文 化研究所学报》21: 313-329。
--1994〈文化认同、族群认同与民族主义：以中国的多元性为例〉，收入刘青峰 (编)，《民族主义与中国现代化》（香港：中文大学出版社）。
--1995 〈中国的多元性与近代民族国家的建立〉，收入胡春惠（编），《近代中国与亚洲学术讨论会论文集》（上），页175-192，（香港：珠海书院亚洲研究中心）。
http://veroncq.spaces.live.com/blog/cns!DDC8F491CCDF50CD!1122.entry?&_c02_owner=1%3F
and another resourceful site: http://www.hmongstudies.org/HmongChina.html
Benedict Anderson1983 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread ofNationalism, London:Verso
John Breuilly1985 Nationalism and the State, Chicago: University of Chicago Press
Ernest Gellner1983 Nations and Nationalism, Cornell University Press
Anthony Smith1986 The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Oxford: Blackwell
Geertz, Clifford1967 "The Integrative Revolution: Primordial sentiments and civilpolitics in the new states" in Geertz (ed.), Old societies and newstates: the quest for modernity in Asia and Africa, New York: FreePress, pp. 105-157
Fredrik Barth1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (London: George Allen & Unwin)
Charles Keyes1981 Ethnic Change (Seattle: University of Washington Press)
Joane Nagel1994 Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identityand Culture, Social Problems, Vol. 41, No. 1
Susan J. Henders Edit2003 Democratization and Identity:Regimes and Ethnicity in East andSoutheast Asia
Stevan Harrell1990 Ethnicity, Local Interests, and the State: Yi Communities inSouthwest China, Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 32,No. 3, pp. 515-548
Colin Mackerras1995 China's minority cultures: identities and integration since 1912，St. Martin's Press
Michael Moerman1965 "Ethnic identification in a complex civilization: Who are theLue?" in American Anthropologist 67:1215-1218.
June Teufel Dreyer1976 China's Forty Millions. Cambridge and New York, Harvard University
---1978 Language Planning for China's Ethnic Minorities. Pacific Affairs.Vol. 51, No. 3, pp. 369-383
---1970 China's Minority Nationalities: Traditional and Party Elites.Pacific Affairs .Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 506-530
Herberer , T .1989 China and Its National Minorities. New York: M. E. Sharpe.
Mosley, G.1966 The Party and the National Question. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
---1973 The Consolidation of the South China Frontier. Berkeley:University of California Press.
J.C.S Hall1976 The Yunnan Provincial Faction 1927-1937. Australian NationalUniversity Press
Dorothy J. Solinger1977 Regional government and political integration in southwestChina, 1949-1954. Berkeley etc., University of California Press
---1977 Minority Nationalities in China's Yunnan Province: Assimilation,Power, and Policy in a Socialist State World Politics. Vol. 30, No. 1pp. 1-23
G. Schwarz1971, Chinese Policies towards Minorities
Wsevolod W. Isajiw1974 "Definition of Ethnicity," Ethnicity 1:115.
Robert A. Kapp1978 Themes in the History of 20th-Century Southwest China, in PacificAffairs, Vol. 51, No. 3, pp. 448-459
Nimrod Baranovitch2001 Between Alterity and Identity: New Voices of Minority People inChina. Modern China Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 359-401
Frank Dikötter1992 The Discourse of Race in Modern China, Stanford University Press
Prasenjit Duara,1993 "De-constructing the Chinese Nation", Australian Journal ofChinese Affairs, no. 30 : 1; 8-9.
---1995 Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives ofModern China，Chicago
---1997 Transnationalism and the Predicament of Sovereignty: China,1900-1945.The American Historical Review. Vol. 102, No. 4, pp.1030-1051
Diamond, Norma1993 "Ethnicity and the State: the Hua Miao of Southwest China." InEthnicity and the State, Judith D. Toland ed., pp: 55-78. NewBrunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Wu, David Y. H."Chinese Minority Policy and the Meaning of Minority Culture: theExample of Bai in Yunnan, China." Human Organization 49(1): 1-13.
Gladney, Dru C.1991 Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Harvard Press)
---1989 "How Ethnic is Ethnic? The Problem of Ethnic Identification inChina." Paper Pressented at the Association for Asian Studies 41stAnnual Meeting, Washington Hilton & Towers Hotel, 17- 19 March, 1989
---1994 "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/MinorityIdentities", Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 1
人民出版社1958《民族政策文件汇编》第1编、第2编
缪文远2003《中国西南文献丛书》（兰州：兰州大学出版社）
牙含章1979 〈建国以来民族理论战线的一场论战，《民族研究》2：3-8
王明甫1983 〈"民族:"辨〉，《民族研究》6：1-23
凌纯声1953 《边疆文化论集》（台北：中华文化出版事业委员会）
芮逸夫1972 《中国民族及其文化论稿》(上)、(下) （台北：艺文出版社）
吕思勉1934 《中国民族史》(北京：东方出版社)
蒋智由1929 《中国人种考》（上海：华通书局）
王桐龄1943 《中国民族史》(台北：华世出版社)
林惠祥1936 《中国民族史》(上海：商务印书馆)
王明珂1997 《华夏边缘：历史记忆与族群认同》(台北：允晨文化公司)
凌纯声1948 《中国边政制度论集》（南京：中国边政学会）
黄光学1994 《中国的民族识别》（北京：民族出版社）
沈松桥1997 〈我以我血荐轩辕-皇帝神话与晚清的国族建构〉， 《台湾社会研究季刊》28：1-77。
范文澜1957 〈自秦汉起中国成为统一国家的原因〉，《汉民族形成问题讨论集 》北京：三联书店。
费孝通1988 〈关于我国民族识别的问题〉，《费孝通民族研究文集》北京 ：民族出版社。
方国瑜1982 《滇史论丛》（上海：人民出版社）
民族出版社 (编)1979 《社会主义新世纪民族工作的任务》（北京：民族出版社)
李绍明1985 《西南民族研究之新发展》（油印本）
胡绍华2004 《中国南方民族史研究》（北京：民族出版社）
利瓦伊汉1980 《关于民族理论和民族政策的若干问题》（北京：民族出版社）。
---1981 《统一战线问题与民族问题》（北京：人民出版社）
周恩来1957 (1980) 《关于我国民族政策的几个问题》（北京：人民出版社）
--1981《周恩来同志对民族问题与民族政策论述选编》（北京 ：中央民院民研所）
彭英明1985〈关于我国民族概念历史的初步考察〉，《民族研究》 ，第2期，页5-11
梁钊韬 (等)1983 《中国民族学概论》（昆明：云南人民出版社）
国家民委 (国家民族事务委员会政策研究室)1979 《民族政策讲话》（北京：民族出版社）
郑金德1972 《中共文化大革命（1966）前的少数民族政策》（台北 ：国立政治大学边政研究所硕士论文）
赵洪慈1974 《中共政权少数民族政策》（台北：国立政治大学边政研究所博士论 文）
谢剑1990 〈试论中国大陆的民族识别工作及其问题〉，《香港中文大学中国文 化研究所学报》21: 313-329。
--1994〈文化认同、族群认同与民族主义：以中国的多元性为例〉，收入刘青峰 (编)，《民族主义与中国现代化》（香港：中文大学出版社）。
--1995 〈中国的多元性与近代民族国家的建立〉，收入胡春惠（编），《近代中国与亚洲学术讨论会论文集》（上），页175-192，（香港：珠海书院亚洲研究中心）。
http://veroncq.spaces.live.com/blog/cns!DDC8F491CCDF50CD!1122.entry?&_c02_owner=1%3F
and another resourceful site: http://www.hmongstudies.org/HmongChina.html
2009年4月7日星期二
李静君的劳动社会学书目
I. Labor Process Tradition
Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capitalism. 1974 [1998 25th anniversary edition]
Vicki Smith, “Braverman’s Legacy: the Labor Process Tradition at 20” Work and Occupations Vol. 21(4): 403-421, November1994.
Richard Edwards, Contested Terrain.
Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent.
Michael Burawoy, The Politics of Production.
“Manufacturing Consent Re-examined” Contemporary Sociology Vol. 30(5) 2001, September
Steve McKay, Satanic Mills or
*Michael Burawoy, “Between the Labor Process and the State: the Changing Face of Factory Regimes in Advanced Capitalism,” American Sociological Review, vol. 48(5): 587-605, 1983.
*Rachel Sherman, Class Acts: Service and Inequality in Luxury Hotels. UC Press, 2007. Chapters 3&4.
II. Feminist Interventions
Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart.
Robin Leidner, Fast Food, Fast Talk. UC Press, 1993.
Ching Kwan Lee, Gender and the
Leslie Salzinger, Genders in Production: Making Workers in Mexico’s Global Factories. UC Press, 2003.
Evelyn Nakano Glenn, “Creating a Caring Society” Contemporary Sociology 29(1), 2000, 84-94.
“From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor” Signs 18(1), 1992, 1-43.
Rhacel Salazar Parrenas, Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work, Stanford U Press, 2001.
Mary Zimmerman et al. (eds) Global Dimensions of Gender and Carework.
Paula England, “Emerging Theories of Care Work” Annual Review of Sociology 2005, 31: 381-399.
Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild (eds) Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy. Owl Books, 2004.
Joan Acker, “Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations,” Gender & Society 4: 139-158, 1990.
*Robin Leidner, “Serving Hamburgers and Selling Insurance: Gender, Work, and Identity in Interactive Service Jobs,” Gender and Society 5(2): 154-177, 1991.
*Pei-Chia Lan, Global Cinderellas: Migrant Domestics and Newly Rich Employers.
III. Racial and Citizenship Hierarchies
Robert J. Thomas, Citizenship, Gender and Work: Social Organization of Industrial Agriculture.
Steven Vallas, “Rediscovering the Color Line Within Work Organizations" Work and Occupations 30(4), 2003, 379-400
David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class.
Emily Honig, Creating Chinese Ethnicity. Yale U Press. 1992.
* Christine Williams, “Inequality in the Toy Store,” Qualitative Sociology, 27(4), 2004, pp. 461-486
*Robert Thomas, “Citizenship and Gender in Work Organization: Some Considerations for Theories of the Labor Process” American Journal of Sociology 88: 86-112.
*Robyn Rodriguez, “Migrant Heroes: Nationalism, Citizenship and the Politics of Filipino Migrant Labor” Citizenship Studies vol 6(3), 2002, 341-356.
*Nicholas de Genova, Working the Boundaries: Race, Space and Illegality in Mexican
IV. Flexible Accumulation and Precarious Labor
David Harvey, Conditions of Post-modernity. Blackwell, 1997.
Steven P. Vallas, “Rethinking Post-Fordism: the Meaning of Workplace Flexibility” Sociological Theory 17(1), 1999, pp. 68-101
Vicki Smith, “New Forms of Work Organization” Annual Review of Sociology 23: 315-339, 1997.
Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, Off the Books: the Underground Economy of the Urban Poor. Harvard U Press, 2006.
David K. Shipler, The Working Poor: Invisible in
*Caroline Arnold, “Where the Low Road Meets the High Road: Flexible Employment Practices in Tiruppur (
*Stephen R. Barley and Gideon Kunda, Gurus, Hired Guns and Warm Bodies: Itinerant Experts in a Knowledge Economy.
*Rina Agarwala, “From Work to Welfare: Informal Workers and the State in
*Jennifer Chun, 2005. "Public Dramas and the Politics of Justice: Comparison of Janitors' Union Struggles in
V. Worker Resistance
*Beverly Silver, Forces of Labor.
Vincent Roscigno and Randy Hodson, “The Organizational and Social Foundations of Worker Resistance,” American Sociological Review 2004, vol. 69 (1): 14-39.
VI. Theories of Working-Class Formation
*Ira Katznelson and Aristide Zolberg, Working Class Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the
*Margaret Somers, “Workers of the World, Compare!” Contemporary Sociology 1989 May, 325-329.
*.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, 1963,
*Rick Fantasia, Cultures of Solidarity. UC Press 1986. Chapter Two
*
*Gay Seidman, Manufacturing Militance: Workers’ Movements in
VII. Globalization and Labor Activism – Local and Transnational (5/1; 5/16)
Janice Fine,
Jill Esbenshade, Monitoring Sweatshops: Workers, Consumers, and the Global Apparel Industry.
*Gay W. Seidman, Beyond the Boycott: Labor Rights, Human Rights and Transnational Activism.
* Tim Bartley, “Certifying Forests and Factories: States, Social Movements, and the Rise of Private Regulation in the Apparel and
*Mark Anner, “Forging New Labor Activism in Global Commodity Chains in
Salvador A.M. Sandoval, “Alternative Forms of Working-Class Organization and the Mobilization of Informal Sector Workers in
Ching Kwan Lee, “Out of Precarity: Politics of Casualization in
VIII. Chinese Labor
Andrew Walder, Communist Neo-Traditionalism.
Elizabeth J Perry,
Ching Kwan Lee, Gender and the
Mary Gallagher, Contagious Capitalism: Globalization and the Politics of Labor in
Pun Ngai, Made in
Ching Kwan Lee, Against the Law: Labor Protests in China’s Rustbelt and Sunbelt, Berkeley: University of California Press 2007.
Amy Hanser, Service Encounters: Class, Gender and the Market for Social Distinction in Urban
*Amy Hanser, “The Gendered Rice Bowl: the Sexual Politics of Service Work in Urban
Source from: http://blog.ciir.edu.cn/xs/jeffqiao/20085217424.html
2009年4月1日星期三
Disorganized tourism space: Chinese tourists in an age of Asian tourism
Chan Yuk Wah, 2009, Disorganized tourism space: Chinese tourists in an age of Asian tourism, Pp 67-77 in Tim Winter, Peggy Teo and T.C.Chang eds, Asia on tour: Exploring the rise of Asian tourism, Routledge.
该研究讨论中国大陆在海外旅游的经验，陈玉华定义其为"Disorganized tourism space"以区别于欧美中产阶级旅行者在东亚东南亚旅游的经验。就两者之间的差别而言，陈认为欧美客的中产旅游消费方式，在旅游地主客关系中(Host-guest interactions) 中占权力优势地位，而中国游客则未必。她研究的地域包括中越边境地区，香港和新加坡。她认为中国旅游者的旅行方式以团队旅游为主，但个人行也在增加。出国旅游对于中国游客而言非常有吸引力。究其实质，陈认为中国游客的海外出游，无论团队式还是自由行都是追求现代性的一个过程(a process seeking for modernity)。在具体的旅游地域中，在越南，中国游客不太瞧得起地方文化，而越南官方和travel agent也刻意消除淡化两国的纷争史。中国游客的许多行为不被当地越南人认可。但主客关系似乎处在一个模棱两可的区间，中国旅客可能还有许多傲慢在里面。但是这样的事在香港和新加坡可能就发生的少一些了，许多游客变得谨小慎微，因而在权力关系上，中国游客占有劣势（尽管一些中国游客的粗鲁行为仍使当地人感到厌恶，加之文化差异和历史观念影响，几乎所有三个考察地域都对中国游客报有stereotypes）。
Robert Shepherd, Cultural preservation, tourism and donkey travel on China's frontier, Pp 253-263.
本章针对西方大众传媒中渲染的中国政府破坏藏族文化的话语，研究究竟是谁（是中国政府，是西方游客还是汉族游客）对西藏本土文化造成冲击，而这种冲击又是怎样的，背后动因和结果是如何的。首先作者认为目前中国政府和联合国教科文组织都在西藏文化保护中扮演积极角色。前者的动机承认民族特色并加以保护，同时发展藏地旅游业，意在不仅利用文化创造经济效益，也是将文化问题去政治化的考虑(undercut Tibetan claims of cultural and historical differences, and depoliticize the cultural issues)。教科文组织可能是持有实用主义的立场参与文化保护（对他们而言，最重要的是保护人类遗产，能得到所在地政府协助是所希望的）。从游客比例来讲，西藏最大的客源是汉地游客，因而在作者眼里，有可能是汉人游客对西藏本土文化冲击最大。但作者在行文之后又探讨了汉人游客旅行意图，她发现这些游客未必报有改造西藏“落后”面貌的意图，相反有可能是西藏这种区别于汉地的特色，回应了他们内心追寻的感受使他们去涉足西藏。他们没有想使藏人变成汉人，也未有使汉人变成藏人般的特征。个人自由行和文化吸引的特征使得文化冲击并不具有很大力量。
该研究讨论中国大陆在海外旅游的经验，陈玉华定义其为"Disorganized tourism space"以区别于欧美中产阶级旅行者在东亚东南亚旅游的经验。就两者之间的差别而言，陈认为欧美客的中产旅游消费方式，在旅游地主客关系中(Host-guest interactions) 中占权力优势地位，而中国游客则未必。她研究的地域包括中越边境地区，香港和新加坡。她认为中国旅游者的旅行方式以团队旅游为主，但个人行也在增加。出国旅游对于中国游客而言非常有吸引力。究其实质，陈认为中国游客的海外出游，无论团队式还是自由行都是追求现代性的一个过程(a process seeking for modernity)。在具体的旅游地域中，在越南，中国游客不太瞧得起地方文化，而越南官方和travel agent也刻意消除淡化两国的纷争史。中国游客的许多行为不被当地越南人认可。但主客关系似乎处在一个模棱两可的区间，中国旅客可能还有许多傲慢在里面。但是这样的事在香港和新加坡可能就发生的少一些了，许多游客变得谨小慎微，因而在权力关系上，中国游客占有劣势（尽管一些中国游客的粗鲁行为仍使当地人感到厌恶，加之文化差异和历史观念影响，几乎所有三个考察地域都对中国游客报有stereotypes）。
Robert Shepherd, Cultural preservation, tourism and donkey travel on China's frontier, Pp 253-263.
本章针对西方大众传媒中渲染的中国政府破坏藏族文化的话语，研究究竟是谁（是中国政府，是西方游客还是汉族游客）对西藏本土文化造成冲击，而这种冲击又是怎样的，背后动因和结果是如何的。首先作者认为目前中国政府和联合国教科文组织都在西藏文化保护中扮演积极角色。前者的动机承认民族特色并加以保护，同时发展藏地旅游业，意在不仅利用文化创造经济效益，也是将文化问题去政治化的考虑(undercut Tibetan claims of cultural and historical differences, and depoliticize the cultural issues)。教科文组织可能是持有实用主义的立场参与文化保护（对他们而言，最重要的是保护人类遗产，能得到所在地政府协助是所希望的）。从游客比例来讲，西藏最大的客源是汉地游客，因而在作者眼里，有可能是汉人游客对西藏本土文化冲击最大。但作者在行文之后又探讨了汉人游客旅行意图，她发现这些游客未必报有改造西藏“落后”面貌的意图，相反有可能是西藏这种区别于汉地的特色，回应了他们内心追寻的感受使他们去涉足西藏。他们没有想使藏人变成汉人，也未有使汉人变成藏人般的特征。个人自由行和文化吸引的特征使得文化冲击并不具有很大力量。
David G. Atwill, 2005, The Chinese sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity, and the panthay rebellion in southwest China, 1856-1873, Stanford U Press
Book Review by Eva Goldschmidt, Department of Chinese studies, Heidelberg University, 2007
Involuntary Rebels
The Panthay Rebellion took place between 1856 and 1873 in Yunnan Province, situated in the southwestern rim of China. Traditionally there are two strands of explanations why the Panthay rebellion took place: one claims that the uprising was rooted in deep-rooted Yunnan Muslim hatred of the Han Chinese, the other claims that the rebellion was purely religiously motivated. Atwill challenges both assumptions by analyzing the multi-ethnic and socioeconomic context in which the Yunnan Muslims lived and prospered before the rebellion, and how they expressed their regional identity, faith, and resistance during the years of the uprising.
Some keywords need to be explained to facilitate the understanding of the specific circumstances of the uprising. British travelers to the Dali Sultanate and Yunnan baptized the uprising as the Panthay Rebellion. This designation is largely unknown to the Chinese scholarly world. The etymological root of the word is probably the Burmese pa-ti for Muslim. In classical and modern Chinese scholarship, the rebellion is known as the Muslim uprising or the Rebellion of Du Wenxiu, the founder of the Dali Sultanate and the foremost religious and political leader of that time. The Chinese word for Muslim is Hui, rooted in the ethnonym for Uyghurs at the northwestern border of the empire. In the narrow Yunnan context, Hui has a broad ethno-religious meaning, while the word mu-min stands for the narrow religious meaning of believer. Yi is a generic Chinese term for all the fifty-six indigenous minority groups living in the province. Their headmen were assigned Chinese seals and titles, and they were loosely connected with the local Chinese administration.
In his first four chapters, Atwill introduces the reader to the geographic and economic frame in which the rebellion took place and which is vital for understanding further events and the course of the rebellion. The setting of the rebellion was Yunnan Province, the name of which means "South of the Clouds." This represented the most southwesterly outreach of Qing dynasty power. The province only became a part of the Chinese empire as late as the thirteenth century. Until the reign of Qing emperor Yongzheng (1723-35), large parts of the province were administered by indigenous headmen with very little interference by the administration in the provincial capital Kunming. The topographic peculiarities of Yunnan (high mountain ranges, no navigable rivers, no roads for wheeled traffic) caused and furthered the development of strong regional ties among the populations of the eastern, western and southern parts of Yunnan respectively. They reckoned themselves, foremost, as inhabitants of a specific region and then as Yunnanese. In historical treatises, Yunnan is described as the geographic union of a regional tripartite. This attitude had a lasting and decisive influence on the course and outcome of the rebellion. Economically the province was not heartland bound, but dependent on the caravan trade with Southeast Asia and Tibet. The rich copper mines in the east were of special interest to the Chinese government. The whole economy was based on a delicate balance between the Yunnan Hui, the indigenous Yi and the Han Chinese. The Hui followed the Mongol conquerors to Yunnan and engaged primarily and successfully in caravan trade and mining. Two factors destroyed the traditional living and working arrangements of the province: massive in-migration from the overpopulated provinces of the Chinese heartland and the abolition of the headman-system. The province's population surged from four million to ten million between 1775 and 1850. In stark contrast to former Han Chinese in-migrants, they were assertive of their own culture and their place in the society and economy of Yunnan and caused both major chagrin among the old residents and major environmental degradation. The imperial program of administrative consolidation caused further alienation between the indigenous Yi and the provincial government.
In the following chapter, Atwill analyses three uprisings which took place between 1818 to 1833, initiated by Yunnanese Han-Chinese and indigenous groups to underpin his thesis that socioeconomic reasons affecting all traditional inhabitants triggered the rebellion.
Chapters 5 and 6 describe the new quality and targets of the ever-spiraling violence and growing tensions within the province. Incidents no longer occurred at certain remote places and in a spontaneous diffuse manner, but were well orchestrated by the Chinese brotherhoods, took place in larger settlements and cities, and were solely targeted at the Hui minority and were followed by major bloodshed. The government officials and the local gentry for the most part supported the anti-Hui violence. Successive governors-general remained for too short a term in the province to investigate the incidents carefully and could punish only the worst riots. The bloodshed culminated in the Kunming Massacre of 1856, leaving eight thousand Hui dead and the whole province on the verge of anarchy. The provincial government's foremost task was to secure the access to the copper mines in the eastern part of Yunnan and avoid any encroachment on neighboring provinces.
Chapters 7 and 8 describe the course of the rebellion and its main protagonists. Atwill provides ample evidence to support his thesis that the rebellion was a multi-ethnic uprising with strong regional characteristics. Ma Rulong was the leading military character of the rebellion. A military licentiate, he joined forces with Du Wenxiu and Ma Dexin to avenge the massacres among his religious brethren. From the outset, the rebellion revealed its major weaknesses. Since they had no unifying ideology, neither secular nor religious, each regional Hui leader fought with his multi-ethnic group of followers and pursued his private goals and ambitions. Ma Rulong was no exception to this rule. He refused any official position within the hierarchy of the newly founded Pingnan State, but returned to Kunming and laid siege to the city. Even though he was in the superior position, he surrendered in 1862 to the Qing governor general and accepted a position in the Qing military hierarchy. The Chinese sources offer no evidence as to why he threw his lot in with the Qing government. Du Wenxiu, the premier political and religious leader of the uprising, succeeded in establishing his own Pingnan (Pacify the South) state at Dali. He called himself Generalissimo of All Armed Forces and Cavalry in Chinese and Leader of All Muslims in Arabic. European travelers called him Suleiman. He had traveled in the Middle East and was fluent in Chinese and Arabic. Being very aware that his sultanate could only survive with the support of Han Chinese and the Yi groups, he offered them positions within his administration, made visible by newly created seals and uniforms, and the abolition of shaving the forehead. The economic basis of his sultanate was the traditional overland trade. Negotiations between Kunming and Dali ended in a stalemate because no party was ready to surrender. The sad end of the Pingnan State and the reassertion of Qing power is described in the final chapter of the book. Between 1867 and 1869, the short-lived Pingnan state reached the zenith of its power. It had strengthened its control over the eastern and southern part of the province and laid siege to Kunming. The defeat of the Taiping rebels enabled the imperial court to send more troops and a new governor general, Cen Yuying, who ended the siege and pursued the fleeing Pingnan troops to Dali. Du Wenxiu handed himself over to avoid major bloodshed among his followers. After his decapitation, Dali was razed to the grounds and the rebellion officially ended.
Atwill's theses are based and supported by the widest array of Chinese and Western sources accessible. The records and analyses of Christian missionaries, who lived and worked in Yunnan for decades, are of special value and provide deep insights. Imperial edicts, official records, local gazetteers and British travelogues complete the picture. In other words, he has exhausted all the available sources. Open-mindedly, he has not selected one of the contemporary theories about inter-ethnic strife (or border strife) and arranged the facts neatly around it. He has also resisted the temptation to view the Panthay Rebellion as the beginning of a nascent Chinese crescent, stretching from the northwest to the southeastern border of Yunnan. Atwill's book about the Panthay Rebellion is valuable reading for persons interested in the economic and political history of minorities in China and their relationship with successive Imperial governments and in particular the history of Muslims in China.
Source from: C:\Users\Qianlinliang\Desktop\Yunnan_Panthay.htm
Involuntary Rebels
The Panthay Rebellion took place between 1856 and 1873 in Yunnan Province, situated in the southwestern rim of China. Traditionally there are two strands of explanations why the Panthay rebellion took place: one claims that the uprising was rooted in deep-rooted Yunnan Muslim hatred of the Han Chinese, the other claims that the rebellion was purely religiously motivated. Atwill challenges both assumptions by analyzing the multi-ethnic and socioeconomic context in which the Yunnan Muslims lived and prospered before the rebellion, and how they expressed their regional identity, faith, and resistance during the years of the uprising.
Some keywords need to be explained to facilitate the understanding of the specific circumstances of the uprising. British travelers to the Dali Sultanate and Yunnan baptized the uprising as the Panthay Rebellion. This designation is largely unknown to the Chinese scholarly world. The etymological root of the word is probably the Burmese pa-ti for Muslim. In classical and modern Chinese scholarship, the rebellion is known as the Muslim uprising or the Rebellion of Du Wenxiu, the founder of the Dali Sultanate and the foremost religious and political leader of that time. The Chinese word for Muslim is Hui, rooted in the ethnonym for Uyghurs at the northwestern border of the empire. In the narrow Yunnan context, Hui has a broad ethno-religious meaning, while the word mu-min stands for the narrow religious meaning of believer. Yi is a generic Chinese term for all the fifty-six indigenous minority groups living in the province. Their headmen were assigned Chinese seals and titles, and they were loosely connected with the local Chinese administration.
In his first four chapters, Atwill introduces the reader to the geographic and economic frame in which the rebellion took place and which is vital for understanding further events and the course of the rebellion. The setting of the rebellion was Yunnan Province, the name of which means "South of the Clouds." This represented the most southwesterly outreach of Qing dynasty power. The province only became a part of the Chinese empire as late as the thirteenth century. Until the reign of Qing emperor Yongzheng (1723-35), large parts of the province were administered by indigenous headmen with very little interference by the administration in the provincial capital Kunming. The topographic peculiarities of Yunnan (high mountain ranges, no navigable rivers, no roads for wheeled traffic) caused and furthered the development of strong regional ties among the populations of the eastern, western and southern parts of Yunnan respectively. They reckoned themselves, foremost, as inhabitants of a specific region and then as Yunnanese. In historical treatises, Yunnan is described as the geographic union of a regional tripartite. This attitude had a lasting and decisive influence on the course and outcome of the rebellion. Economically the province was not heartland bound, but dependent on the caravan trade with Southeast Asia and Tibet. The rich copper mines in the east were of special interest to the Chinese government. The whole economy was based on a delicate balance between the Yunnan Hui, the indigenous Yi and the Han Chinese. The Hui followed the Mongol conquerors to Yunnan and engaged primarily and successfully in caravan trade and mining. Two factors destroyed the traditional living and working arrangements of the province: massive in-migration from the overpopulated provinces of the Chinese heartland and the abolition of the headman-system. The province's population surged from four million to ten million between 1775 and 1850. In stark contrast to former Han Chinese in-migrants, they were assertive of their own culture and their place in the society and economy of Yunnan and caused both major chagrin among the old residents and major environmental degradation. The imperial program of administrative consolidation caused further alienation between the indigenous Yi and the provincial government.
In the following chapter, Atwill analyses three uprisings which took place between 1818 to 1833, initiated by Yunnanese Han-Chinese and indigenous groups to underpin his thesis that socioeconomic reasons affecting all traditional inhabitants triggered the rebellion.
Chapters 5 and 6 describe the new quality and targets of the ever-spiraling violence and growing tensions within the province. Incidents no longer occurred at certain remote places and in a spontaneous diffuse manner, but were well orchestrated by the Chinese brotherhoods, took place in larger settlements and cities, and were solely targeted at the Hui minority and were followed by major bloodshed. The government officials and the local gentry for the most part supported the anti-Hui violence. Successive governors-general remained for too short a term in the province to investigate the incidents carefully and could punish only the worst riots. The bloodshed culminated in the Kunming Massacre of 1856, leaving eight thousand Hui dead and the whole province on the verge of anarchy. The provincial government's foremost task was to secure the access to the copper mines in the eastern part of Yunnan and avoid any encroachment on neighboring provinces.
Chapters 7 and 8 describe the course of the rebellion and its main protagonists. Atwill provides ample evidence to support his thesis that the rebellion was a multi-ethnic uprising with strong regional characteristics. Ma Rulong was the leading military character of the rebellion. A military licentiate, he joined forces with Du Wenxiu and Ma Dexin to avenge the massacres among his religious brethren. From the outset, the rebellion revealed its major weaknesses. Since they had no unifying ideology, neither secular nor religious, each regional Hui leader fought with his multi-ethnic group of followers and pursued his private goals and ambitions. Ma Rulong was no exception to this rule. He refused any official position within the hierarchy of the newly founded Pingnan State, but returned to Kunming and laid siege to the city. Even though he was in the superior position, he surrendered in 1862 to the Qing governor general and accepted a position in the Qing military hierarchy. The Chinese sources offer no evidence as to why he threw his lot in with the Qing government. Du Wenxiu, the premier political and religious leader of the uprising, succeeded in establishing his own Pingnan (Pacify the South) state at Dali. He called himself Generalissimo of All Armed Forces and Cavalry in Chinese and Leader of All Muslims in Arabic. European travelers called him Suleiman. He had traveled in the Middle East and was fluent in Chinese and Arabic. Being very aware that his sultanate could only survive with the support of Han Chinese and the Yi groups, he offered them positions within his administration, made visible by newly created seals and uniforms, and the abolition of shaving the forehead. The economic basis of his sultanate was the traditional overland trade. Negotiations between Kunming and Dali ended in a stalemate because no party was ready to surrender. The sad end of the Pingnan State and the reassertion of Qing power is described in the final chapter of the book. Between 1867 and 1869, the short-lived Pingnan state reached the zenith of its power. It had strengthened its control over the eastern and southern part of the province and laid siege to Kunming. The defeat of the Taiping rebels enabled the imperial court to send more troops and a new governor general, Cen Yuying, who ended the siege and pursued the fleeing Pingnan troops to Dali. Du Wenxiu handed himself over to avoid major bloodshed among his followers. After his decapitation, Dali was razed to the grounds and the rebellion officially ended.
Atwill's theses are based and supported by the widest array of Chinese and Western sources accessible. The records and analyses of Christian missionaries, who lived and worked in Yunnan for decades, are of special value and provide deep insights. Imperial edicts, official records, local gazetteers and British travelogues complete the picture. In other words, he has exhausted all the available sources. Open-mindedly, he has not selected one of the contemporary theories about inter-ethnic strife (or border strife) and arranged the facts neatly around it. He has also resisted the temptation to view the Panthay Rebellion as the beginning of a nascent Chinese crescent, stretching from the northwest to the southeastern border of Yunnan. Atwill's book about the Panthay Rebellion is valuable reading for persons interested in the economic and political history of minorities in China and their relationship with successive Imperial governments and in particular the history of Muslims in China.
Source from: C:\Users\Qianlinliang\Desktop\Yunnan_Panthay.htm
2009年3月28日星期六
Educational review, Vol.60, Iss 1, 2008
Edited by Gerard A. Postiglione, HKU
1. Gerard A. Postiglione, Making Tibetans in China: the educational challenges of harmonious multiculturalism.
2. Li-fangZhang ; Hong Fu; Ben Jiao, Accounting for Tibetan university students' and teachers' intellectual styles.
3. Catriona Bass, Tibetan primary curriculum and its role in nation building.
4. Vilma Seeberg, Girls first! Promoting early education in Tibetan areas of China, a case study.
5. Ellen Bangsbo, Schooling for knowledge and cultural survival: Tibetan community schools in nomadic herding areas.
6. Mary Ann Maslak, School as a site of Tibetan ethnic identity construction in India? Results from a content analysis of textbooks and Delphi study of teachers' perceptions.
Overall summary:
Regardless of the transformations taking place inTibet China China
This special issue of the journal begins with a discussion paper that focuses on education in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR), and provides a background to situate the articles that follow about education in selected Tibetan communities ofChina India Tibet vera ge. Until then, the potential of education to help Tibetans live and work as critical and innovative thinkers in a rapidly changing market economy in the TAR and across China
1. Gerard A. Postiglione, Making Tibetans in China: the educational challenges of harmonious multiculturalism.
2. Li-fang
3. Catriona Bass, Tibetan primary curriculum and its role in nation building.
4. Vilma Seeberg, Girls first! Promoting early education in Tibetan areas of China, a case study.
5. Ellen Bangsbo, Schooling for knowledge and cultural survival: Tibetan community schools in nomadic herding areas.
6. Mary Ann Maslak, School as a site of Tibetan ethnic identity construction in India? Results from a content analysis of textbooks and Delphi study of teachers' perceptions.
Overall summary:
Regardless of the transformations taking place in
This special issue of the journal begins with a discussion paper that focuses on education in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR), and provides a background to situate the articles that follow about education in selected Tibetan communities of
In their article,
At the other end of the education system, Bass points out how primary school education has become politically conservative, even while the rest of
Seeberg provides new empirical research to explain the struggle of Tibetan girls for education in
Bangsbo argues that there is a preference for community based schools in nomadic areas of
Maslak’s study investigates ways in which ethnicity is represented in India’s primary school curricula and conceptualized in the Tibetan refugee community by Indian and Tibetan public school teachers. While curricula support the national ethos of the majority, teachers play a significant role in shaping Tibetan students’ understanding of their ethnicity. A
Ethnicity, education and empowerment, Chapter 6
Pp 150-188 Minority students and academic success-The microinteractionist perspective
The last Chapter has discussed the social structures as the framework for the minority students to construct their identities. This chapter talks about in detail that how they do the identity construction, espcially the efforts to develop achievement-oriented selves through individual interviews.
Identity construction within families
1. How families help students succeed in school: financial support, free time from family work, teacher contact, emotional and academic support.
2. Students' perception of family help and sense of filial obligation.
3. How students define family--> usually extend family.
4. How they are redefined by family members?--> almost the same as they thought.
Identity construction within villages
1. Social redefinitions by villagers and personal definitions by students: University students as good children, almost the same as they thought.
2. Challenges to the constructions of achievement-oriented selves: local cultural environment is not that good for children to do hard work. So they become university students meaning they are successful.
3. Role taking: University students become role model, being looked upon by villagers. And the previously university students in villages are the models for the current ones in their childhood.
4. Practicing success: University students are thought by the villagers as "outstanding scholar", they encourage their children to learn from the university students. USs also publicize themselves (no sense? because of their model role?) to the younger children to have more education.
therefore, villagers play an important part in the construction of the students' achievement-oriented self. They supplied a social definition of outstanding scholar on the students.
Identity construction within schools
1. Redefinition by significant others: Helps and concerns from teachers, from meeting problems to growing up and becoming university students.
2. The importance of attending the right school: studying in a better school and so forth.
3. How teachers help students construct AOS (achievement-oriented selves): teachers as parents, as enablers （伯乐？）, as role models.
4. How students help each other construct AOS: academic help of each other and so on.
The salience of ethnic identity for minority student
1. Language use in family: Most use ethnic/local language rather than Mandarin Chinese. They learned Mandarin quite late.
2. Network with other people: School free time spent with Han students and other minority ones, Han occupies most because of its dominated population in schooling.
3. How ethnicity contributes to success in school: Cultural influences.
4. Preferential educational policies: Most agree that they benefit from these policies.
5. Minority group characteristics: good, group spirit, and they have positive impacts on educational achievements.
6. Symbolic ethnicity: High, a means for maintaining some degree of ethnic identity and feeling.
7. Group distinctions.
8. Prejudice (attitude) and discrimination (behavior) : sufferred.
The last Chapter has discussed the social structures as the framework for the minority students to construct their identities. This chapter talks about in detail that how they do the identity construction, espcially the efforts to develop achievement-oriented selves through individual interviews.
Identity construction within families
1. How families help students succeed in school: financial support, free time from family work, teacher contact, emotional and academic support.
2. Students' perception of family help and sense of filial obligation.
3. How students define family--> usually extend family.
4. How they are redefined by family members?--> almost the same as they thought.
Identity construction within villages
1. Social redefinitions by villagers and personal definitions by students: University students as good children, almost the same as they thought.
2. Challenges to the constructions of achievement-oriented selves: local cultural environment is not that good for children to do hard work. So they become university students meaning they are successful.
3. Role taking: University students become role model, being looked upon by villagers. And the previously university students in villages are the models for the current ones in their childhood.
4. Practicing success: University students are thought by the villagers as "outstanding scholar", they encourage their children to learn from the university students. USs also publicize themselves (no sense? because of their model role?) to the younger children to have more education.
therefore, villagers play an important part in the construction of the students' achievement-oriented self. They supplied a social definition of outstanding scholar on the students.
Identity construction within schools
1. Redefinition by significant others: Helps and concerns from teachers, from meeting problems to growing up and becoming university students.
2. The importance of attending the right school: studying in a better school and so forth.
3. How teachers help students construct AOS (achievement-oriented selves): teachers as parents, as enablers （伯乐？）, as role models.
4. How students help each other construct AOS: academic help of each other and so on.
The salience of ethnic identity for minority student
1. Language use in family: Most use ethnic/local language rather than Mandarin Chinese. They learned Mandarin quite late.
2. Network with other people: School free time spent with Han students and other minority ones, Han occupies most because of its dominated population in schooling.
3. How ethnicity contributes to success in school: Cultural influences.
4. Preferential educational policies: Most agree that they benefit from these policies.
5. Minority group characteristics: good, group spirit, and they have positive impacts on educational achievements.
6. Symbolic ethnicity: High, a means for maintaining some degree of ethnic identity and feeling.
7. Group distinctions.
8. Prejudice (attitude) and discrimination (behavior) : sufferred.
Ethnicity, education and empowerment
Chapter 5, Minority students and academic success—the structural perspective Pp 108-149
The major argument, growing out of the micro-interactionist perspective, is that those minority students who do well in school are those who manage to construct “achievement-oriented selves”. This construction process—which happens one-on-one between minority students and their relatives, neighbors and teachers as they advance toward university is discussed in the following chapter 6.
The process of identity construction occurs within a larger structural, or macro, context. Larger social entities like schools, villages and families—and the cultures, norms and values that grow out of them—have a profound effect on individual people’s lives. For minority students, the larger structural context at sometimes constrains and at other times enables them to construct “achievement-oriented selves”. At all times the structural context influences the ability of minority students to succeed in school and to qualify for university. In this chapter, the author discusses both constraints (factors like poverty and language) and supports (like special schools and financial aid) provided by the structural context in which ethnic students and their reference groups interact.
Structural constraints
Social class
西南少数民族很多分布在山区，many of Yunnan’s minority groups live in either mountainous or subtropical areas. Poor geographical conditions impede further economic development. Initial disadvantages compound themselves over time.很多又是贫困县。在初中里，大多数学生毕业之后是前往职业学校，为的是能够早赚钱养家。在教育水平，实际是影响社会分层的重要因素。
Family context
少数民族子女是否接受教育和受教育程度直接与家庭的经济状况有关。作者讨论了parents’ income, parents’ attitude to schooling, parents’ education, gender bias against educating girls, child labor for family financial support and so on.
Village context
Cultural deprivation文化剥夺, meaning limited contact by minority students with the dominant or Han culture. The dominant culture is the one that will be taught and upon which the students will be tested. The premise behind any given curriculum is that students have had certain mainstream cultural experiences upon which to draw before entering school. 而少数民族学生则未必有这样的cultural experiences了。
再者，ethnic minorities in China are regarded backward and underdeveloped compared to the Han majority. The role of the Han is to lead the way for the minorities as they progress toward socialist (Gladney, Dru C, 1994, Representing nationality in China: refiguring majority/minority identities, in the Journal of Asian studies 53: 92-123). 很多人认为这种落后有地域局限，比如很多少数民族居住在边境区，山区，很难与平原地区人交流。追根究底来说，是lack of transportation and communication facilities 的缘故。
Cultural barrier refers to the beliefs, values and norms that minority children bring with them into school and that differ significantly from those Han teachers. 包括语言，穿着，行为习惯，价值观。
School context
Facilities, teacher and language: 学校数量少，教育设施和教师数量poor。教学语言是汉语，而云南少数民族大多都是自己方言。初级中学有时使用双语教学，但会慢慢转用汉语。语言问题对少数民族学生而言是最大的问题。
Structural supports
The rationale behind the educational assistance is twofold—to better the quality of life for nationality people themselves and to ensure the political stability of
Support | Level | Why successful |
Special schools & classes for ethnic students | 1.Early childhood education 2.Primary schools 3.Full-accommodation schools 4.Half-accommodation schools 5.Vocational schools 6.Nationality sections 7.Preliminary classes | 1. Instituted where none hand existed previously. 2. Dramatic increase in number built in areas with high minority populations. 3. Better study environment and living conditions for boarding students. 4. Provide free noon meal for students who live far from school. 5. Fast track to learning occupations, assuming jobs and earning money. 6. Special classes for minority students facing the most challenges, conducted in province’s finest non-minority schools. 7. Preparatory courses, offered by universities, that allow minority students to brush up on basic skills, the retake the college entrance exam. |
Training teachers for nationality areas | 1.Education of teachers at normal schools 2.Retention of teachers at primary & secondary schools 3.Directive to teachers at all schools | 1. Minority students, who attend normal schools free, return to their villages to teach. 2. Increased salary and improved housing keep more qualified teachers at minority schools. 3. Make the education of minority students top priority. |
Financial support for minority education | 1.Central, provincial, prefectural and county governments 2.Primary, secondary and tertiary institutions 3.Schools at all levels | 1. All contribute heavily. 2. Receive funds for building new schools, improving existing facilities, adding nationality classes and upgrading teacher quality. 3. Offer free tuition, room and board to most minority students. |
Additional points on national examination | 1.Minority students from most rural areas and most impoverished groups 2.For junior middle school, senior middle school and university | 1. Benefit most. 2. Minority students are admitted with lower scores than Han students. |
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