李静君的劳动社会学书目

I. Labor Process Tradition

Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capitalism. 1974 [1998 25th anniversary edition] New York: Monthly Press.

Vicki Smith, “Braverman’s Legacy: the Labor Process Tradition at 20” Work and Occupations Vol. 21(4): 403-421, November1994.

Richard Edwards, Contested Terrain. New York: Basic Books, 1979.

Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979

Michael Burawoy, The Politics of Production. London: Verso, 1985.

“Manufacturing Consent Re-examined” Contemporary Sociology Vol. 30(5) 2001, September

Steve McKay, Satanic Mills or Silicon Islands? High-Tech Production in the Philippines. Cornell U Press, 2006.

*Michael Burawoy, “Between the Labor Process and the State: the Changing Face of Factory Regimes in Advanced Capitalism,” American Sociological Review, vol. 48(5): 587-605, 1983.

*Rachel Sherman, Class Acts: Service and Inequality in Luxury Hotels. UC Press, 2007. Chapters 3&4.

II. Feminist Interventions

Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983.

Robin Leidner, Fast Food, Fast Talk. UC Press, 1993.

Ching Kwan Lee, Gender and the South China Miracle. UC Press, 1998.

Leslie Salzinger, Genders in Production: Making Workers in Mexico’s Global Factories. UC Press, 2003.

Evelyn Nakano Glenn, “Creating a Caring Society” Contemporary Sociology 29(1), 2000, 84-94.

“From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor” Signs 18(1), 1992, 1-43.

Rhacel Salazar Parrenas, Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work, Stanford U Press, 2001.

Mary Zimmerman et al. (eds) Global Dimensions of Gender and Carework. Stanford University Press, 2006.

Paula England, “Emerging Theories of Care Work” Annual Review of Sociology 2005, 31: 381-399.

Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild (eds) Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy. Owl Books, 2004.

Joan Acker, “Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations,” Gender & Society 4: 139-158, 1990.

*Robin Leidner, “Serving Hamburgers and Selling Insurance: Gender, Work, and Identity in Interactive Service Jobs,” Gender and Society 5(2): 154-177, 1991.

*Pei-Chia Lan, Global Cinderellas: Migrant Domestics and Newly Rich Employers. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006, Chapter 3.

III. Racial and Citizenship Hierarchies

Robert J. Thomas, Citizenship, Gender and Work: Social Organization of Industrial Agriculture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.

Steven Vallas, “Rediscovering the Color Line Within Work Organizations" Work and Occupations 30(4), 2003, 379-400

David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. London: Verso, 1991.

Emily Honig, Creating Chinese Ethnicity. Yale U Press. 1992.

* Christine Williams, “Inequality in the Toy Store,” Qualitative Sociology, 27(4), 2004, pp. 461-486

*Robert Thomas, “Citizenship and Gender in Work Organization: Some Considerations for Theories of the Labor Process” American Journal of Sociology 88: 86-112.

*Robyn Rodriguez, “Migrant Heroes: Nationalism, Citizenship and the Politics of Filipino Migrant Labor” Citizenship Studies vol 6(3), 2002, 341-356.

*Nicholas de Genova, Working the Boundaries: Race, Space and Illegality in Mexican Chicago. Duke U Press, 2005, pp. 147-209.

IV. Flexible Accumulation and Precarious Labor

David Harvey, Conditions of Post-modernity. Blackwell, 1997.

Steven P. Vallas, “Rethinking Post-Fordism: the Meaning of Workplace Flexibility” Sociological Theory 17(1), 1999, pp. 68-101

Vicki Smith, “New Forms of Work Organization” Annual Review of Sociology 23: 315-339, 1997.

Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, Off the Books: the Underground Economy of the Urban Poor. Harvard U Press, 2006.

David K. Shipler, The Working Poor: Invisible in America. New York: Vintage 2005.

*Caroline Arnold, “Where the Low Road Meets the High Road: Flexible Employment Practices in Tiruppur (India) and Denizli (Turkey)”, SSRC Conference paper, 2008.

*Stephen R. Barley and Gideon Kunda, Gurus, Hired Guns and Warm Bodies: Itinerant Experts in a Knowledge Economy. Princeton U Press, 2004.

*Rina Agarwala, “From Work to Welfare: Informal Workers and the State in India,” Unpublished MS, 2007.

*Jennifer Chun, 2005. "Public Dramas and the Politics of Justice: Comparison of Janitors' Union Struggles in South Korea and the United States." Work and Occupations (32(4): 486-503

V. Worker Resistance

*Beverly Silver, Forces of Labor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Chapters 2 & 3.

Vincent Roscigno and Randy Hodson, “The Organizational and Social Foundations of Worker Resistance,” American Sociological Review 2004, vol. 69 (1): 14-39.

VI. Theories of Working-Class Formation

*Ira Katznelson and Aristide Zolberg, Working Class Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986 (Chapter 1)

*Margaret Somers, “Workers of the World, Compare!” Contemporary Sociology 1989 May, 325-329.

*.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, 1963, New York: Viking Press, Preface.

*Rick Fantasia, Cultures of Solidarity. UC Press 1986. Chapter Two

*Hagen Koo, Korean Workers: The Culture and Politics of Class Formation. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001 (entire)

*Gay Seidman, Manufacturing Militance: Workers’ Movements in Brazil and South Africa1970-1985. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. (Chapter One)

VII. Globalization and Labor Activism – Local and Transnational (5/1; 5/16)

Janice Fine, Worker Centers: Organizing Communities at the Edge of the Dream. Cornell University Press, 2006.

Jill Esbenshade, Monitoring Sweatshops: Workers, Consumers, and the Global Apparel Industry. Temple University Press, 2004.

*Gay W. Seidman, Beyond the Boycott: Labor Rights, Human Rights and Transnational Activism. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2007. Chapter 2

* Tim Bartley, “Certifying Forests and Factories: States, Social Movements, and the Rise of Private Regulation in the Apparel and Forest Products Fields,” Politics and Society 31(3): 433-464.

*Mark Anner, “Forging New Labor Activism in Global Commodity Chains in Latin America,” International Labor and Working-Class History no. 72, Fall 2007, pp. 18-41.

Salvador A.M. Sandoval, “Alternative Forms of Working-Class Organization and the Mobilization of Informal Sector Workers in Brazil in the Era of Neo-liberalism” International Labor and Working-Class History No. 72 Fall 2007, pp. 63-89.

Ching Kwan Lee, “Out of Precarity: Politics of Casualization in Africa’s Chinese Enclaves,” Unpublished Manu.

VIII. Chinese Labor

Andrew Walder, Communist Neo-Traditionalism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986.

Elizabeth J Perry, Shanghai On Strike. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992.

Ching Kwan Lee, Gender and the South China Miracle. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Mary Gallagher, Contagious Capitalism: Globalization and the Politics of Labor in China. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005.

Pun Ngai, Made in China. Durham: Duke University Press, 2005.

Ching Kwan Lee, Against the Law: Labor Protests in China’s Rustbelt and Sunbelt, Berkeley: University of California Press 2007.

Amy Hanser, Service Encounters: Class, Gender and the Market for Social Distinction in Urban China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008.

*Amy Hanser, “The Gendered Rice Bowl: the Sexual Politics of Service Work in Urban China” Gender and Society 19(5): 581-600, 2005.

Source from: http://blog.ciir.edu.cn/xs/jeffqiao/20085217424.html

Disorganized tourism space: Chinese tourists in an age of Asian tourism

Chan Yuk Wah, 2009, Disorganized tourism space: Chinese tourists in an age of Asian tourism, Pp 67-77 in Tim Winter, Peggy Teo and T.C.Chang eds, Asia on tour: Exploring the rise of Asian tourism, Routledge.

该研究讨论中国大陆在海外旅游的经验，陈玉华定义其为"Disorganized tourism space"以区别于欧美中产阶级旅行者在东亚东南亚旅游的经验。就两者之间的差别而言，陈认为欧美客的中产旅游消费方式，在旅游地主客关系中(Host-guest interactions) 中占权力优势地位，而中国游客则未必。她研究的地域包括中越边境地区，香港和新加坡。她认为中国旅游者的旅行方式以团队旅游为主，但个人行也在增加。出国旅游对于中国游客而言非常有吸引力。究其实质，陈认为中国游客的海外出游，无论团队式还是自由行都是追求现代性的一个过程(a process seeking for modernity)。在具体的旅游地域中，在越南，中国游客不太瞧得起地方文化，而越南官方和travel agent也刻意消除淡化两国的纷争史。中国游客的许多行为不被当地越南人认可。但主客关系似乎处在一个模棱两可的区间，中国旅客可能还有许多傲慢在里面。但是这样的事在香港和新加坡可能就发生的少一些了，许多游客变得谨小慎微，因而在权力关系上，中国游客占有劣势（尽管一些中国游客的粗鲁行为仍使当地人感到厌恶，加之文化差异和历史观念影响，几乎所有三个考察地域都对中国游客报有stereotypes）。

Robert Shepherd, Cultural preservation, tourism and donkey travel on China's frontier, Pp 253-263.
本章针对西方大众传媒中渲染的中国政府破坏藏族文化的话语，研究究竟是谁（是中国政府，是西方游客还是汉族游客）对西藏本土文化造成冲击，而这种冲击又是怎样的，背后动因和结果是如何的。首先作者认为目前中国政府和联合国教科文组织都在西藏文化保护中扮演积极角色。前者的动机承认民族特色并加以保护，同时发展藏地旅游业，意在不仅利用文化创造经济效益，也是将文化问题去政治化的考虑(undercut Tibetan claims of cultural and historical differences, and depoliticize the cultural issues)。教科文组织可能是持有实用主义的立场参与文化保护（对他们而言，最重要的是保护人类遗产，能得到所在地政府协助是所希望的）。从游客比例来讲，西藏最大的客源是汉地游客，因而在作者眼里，有可能是汉人游客对西藏本土文化冲击最大。但作者在行文之后又探讨了汉人游客旅行意图，她发现这些游客未必报有改造西藏“落后”面貌的意图，相反有可能是西藏这种区别于汉地的特色，回应了他们内心追寻的感受使他们去涉足西藏。他们没有想使藏人变成汉人，也未有使汉人变成藏人般的特征。个人自由行和文化吸引的特征使得文化冲击并不具有很大力量。

David G. Atwill, 2005, The Chinese sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity, and the panthay rebellion in southwest China, 1856-1873, Stanford U Press

Book Review by Eva Goldschmidt, Department of Chinese studies, Heidelberg University, 2007

Involuntary Rebels
The Panthay Rebellion took place between 1856 and 1873 in Yunnan Province, situated in the southwestern rim of China. Traditionally there are two strands of explanations why the Panthay rebellion took place: one claims that the uprising was rooted in deep-rooted Yunnan Muslim hatred of the Han Chinese, the other claims that the rebellion was purely religiously motivated. Atwill challenges both assumptions by analyzing the multi-ethnic and socioeconomic context in which the Yunnan Muslims lived and prospered before the rebellion, and how they expressed their regional identity, faith, and resistance during the years of the uprising.

Some keywords need to be explained to facilitate the understanding of the specific circumstances of the uprising. British travelers to the Dali Sultanate and Yunnan baptized the uprising as the Panthay Rebellion. This designation is largely unknown to the Chinese scholarly world. The etymological root of the word is probably the Burmese pa-ti for Muslim. In classical and modern Chinese scholarship, the rebellion is known as the Muslim uprising or the Rebellion of Du Wenxiu, the founder of the Dali Sultanate and the foremost religious and political leader of that time. The Chinese word for Muslim is Hui, rooted in the ethnonym for Uyghurs at the northwestern border of the empire. In the narrow Yunnan context, Hui has a broad ethno-religious meaning, while the word mu-min stands for the narrow religious meaning of believer. Yi is a generic Chinese term for all the fifty-six indigenous minority groups living in the province. Their headmen were assigned Chinese seals and titles, and they were loosely connected with the local Chinese administration.

In his first four chapters, Atwill introduces the reader to the geographic and economic frame in which the rebellion took place and which is vital for understanding further events and the course of the rebellion. The setting of the rebellion was Yunnan Province, the name of which means "South of the Clouds." This represented the most southwesterly outreach of Qing dynasty power. The province only became a part of the Chinese empire as late as the thirteenth century. Until the reign of Qing emperor Yongzheng (1723-35), large parts of the province were administered by indigenous headmen with very little interference by the administration in the provincial capital Kunming. The topographic peculiarities of Yunnan (high mountain ranges, no navigable rivers, no roads for wheeled traffic) caused and furthered the development of strong regional ties among the populations of the eastern, western and southern parts of Yunnan respectively. They reckoned themselves, foremost, as inhabitants of a specific region and then as Yunnanese. In historical treatises, Yunnan is described as the geographic union of a regional tripartite. This attitude had a lasting and decisive influence on the course and outcome of the rebellion. Economically the province was not heartland bound, but dependent on the caravan trade with Southeast Asia and Tibet. The rich copper mines in the east were of special interest to the Chinese government. The whole economy was based on a delicate balance between the Yunnan Hui, the indigenous Yi and the Han Chinese. The Hui followed the Mongol conquerors to Yunnan and engaged primarily and successfully in caravan trade and mining. Two factors destroyed the traditional living and working arrangements of the province: massive in-migration from the overpopulated provinces of the Chinese heartland and the abolition of the headman-system. The province's population surged from four million to ten million between 1775 and 1850. In stark contrast to former Han Chinese in-migrants, they were assertive of their own culture and their place in the society and economy of Yunnan and caused both major chagrin among the old residents and major environmental degradation. The imperial program of administrative consolidation caused further alienation between the indigenous Yi and the provincial government.

In the following chapter, Atwill analyses three uprisings which took place between 1818 to 1833, initiated by Yunnanese Han-Chinese and indigenous groups to underpin his thesis that socioeconomic reasons affecting all traditional inhabitants triggered the rebellion.

Chapters 5 and 6 describe the new quality and targets of the ever-spiraling violence and growing tensions within the province. Incidents no longer occurred at certain remote places and in a spontaneous diffuse manner, but were well orchestrated by the Chinese brotherhoods, took place in larger settlements and cities, and were solely targeted at the Hui minority and were followed by major bloodshed. The government officials and the local gentry for the most part supported the anti-Hui violence. Successive governors-general remained for too short a term in the province to investigate the incidents carefully and could punish only the worst riots. The bloodshed culminated in the Kunming Massacre of 1856, leaving eight thousand Hui dead and the whole province on the verge of anarchy. The provincial government's foremost task was to secure the access to the copper mines in the eastern part of Yunnan and avoid any encroachment on neighboring provinces.

Chapters 7 and 8 describe the course of the rebellion and its main protagonists. Atwill provides ample evidence to support his thesis that the rebellion was a multi-ethnic uprising with strong regional characteristics. Ma Rulong was the leading military character of the rebellion. A military licentiate, he joined forces with Du Wenxiu and Ma Dexin to avenge the massacres among his religious brethren. From the outset, the rebellion revealed its major weaknesses. Since they had no unifying ideology, neither secular nor religious, each regional Hui leader fought with his multi-ethnic group of followers and pursued his private goals and ambitions. Ma Rulong was no exception to this rule. He refused any official position within the hierarchy of the newly founded Pingnan State, but returned to Kunming and laid siege to the city. Even though he was in the superior position, he surrendered in 1862 to the Qing governor general and accepted a position in the Qing military hierarchy. The Chinese sources offer no evidence as to why he threw his lot in with the Qing government. Du Wenxiu, the premier political and religious leader of the uprising, succeeded in establishing his own Pingnan (Pacify the South) state at Dali. He called himself Generalissimo of All Armed Forces and Cavalry in Chinese and Leader of All Muslims in Arabic. European travelers called him Suleiman. He had traveled in the Middle East and was fluent in Chinese and Arabic. Being very aware that his sultanate could only survive with the support of Han Chinese and the Yi groups, he offered them positions within his administration, made visible by newly created seals and uniforms, and the abolition of shaving the forehead. The economic basis of his sultanate was the traditional overland trade. Negotiations between Kunming and Dali ended in a stalemate because no party was ready to surrender. The sad end of the Pingnan State and the reassertion of Qing power is described in the final chapter of the book. Between 1867 and 1869, the short-lived Pingnan state reached the zenith of its power. It had strengthened its control over the eastern and southern part of the province and laid siege to Kunming. The defeat of the Taiping rebels enabled the imperial court to send more troops and a new governor general, Cen Yuying, who ended the siege and pursued the fleeing Pingnan troops to Dali. Du Wenxiu handed himself over to avoid major bloodshed among his followers. After his decapitation, Dali was razed to the grounds and the rebellion officially ended.

Atwill's theses are based and supported by the widest array of Chinese and Western sources accessible. The records and analyses of Christian missionaries, who lived and worked in Yunnan for decades, are of special value and provide deep insights. Imperial edicts, official records, local gazetteers and British travelogues complete the picture. In other words, he has exhausted all the available sources. Open-mindedly, he has not selected one of the contemporary theories about inter-ethnic strife (or border strife) and arranged the facts neatly around it. He has also resisted the temptation to view the Panthay Rebellion as the beginning of a nascent Chinese crescent, stretching from the northwest to the southeastern border of Yunnan. Atwill's book about the Panthay Rebellion is valuable reading for persons interested in the economic and political history of minorities in China and their relationship with successive Imperial governments and in particular the history of Muslims in China.

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