2011年9月30日星期五

9月30日涂尔干与莫斯

Industrialization as a Cultural Logic



How can bonds between individuals be maintained when traditional institutions, beliefs, and practices are weakened?





“Organic solidarity” in industrial and modern societies



Social division of labor which fosters “organic solidarity” based on functional interdependence between actors performing specialized roles in modern society, need not draw upon preexisting ties of kinship or locality.





“Mechanical solidarity” in traditional and small scare societies



People feel connected through similar work, education, and religious training and lifestyle. This similarity and homogeneity ensure both social integration and regulation.





Some kind of alienation of humankind in industrialized modern society:



The industrialization’s transformation of solidarity engenders a cross-culturally and historically particular type of personality: the specialist, who strives to be fully integrated into society by becoming one of its organs. à“Equip yourself to fulfill usefully a specific function” that departures much from the humanist vision of “Renaissance Man”.





The industrialization does not need well-rounded person and try to perverse individual independence, what it needs and tries to produce is a skilled organ (to form a dense web of social interdependence in the way of industrial version of division of labor) that facilitates the operation of industrialization.





Durkheim’s critique on the western industrial capitalism: capitalist economy has developed a logic that colonizes the rest of the social field. And the “possessive individualism” was a social and historical constructs created during the rise of modern capitalism in western Europe.







The Cult of the individual



In Durkheim’s idea, the emergence of the individual as a distinct entity only can be found in modern West. Comparatively, in primitive societies, individuals were indistinguishable from, and fully incorporated into society.





Durkheim did not denounce/criticize individualism itself, but question the philosophical foundation of the privilege of individual over community. He asserted the importance of altruistic利他主义 and societal tendencies. For social interactions among human beings, he thought competition should be balanced by cooperation and the search for solidarity. In his mind, it is not individuals that create society, rather is society creates individuals and depends on them for existence. If we overemphasize the individuals, it may result in excessive individualism and cause serious social problems, such as egoism, anomie.





By ethnological and historical juxtaposition of the non-western societies and the west, Durkheim believed that through different mechanism (e.g. temporary combination of collective consciousness by groups and individuals, strict discipline and respect for traditions etc.), nonmodern and nonwestern societies quell减轻the sources of radical moral interrogation. He thought individualism was a weak basis for social solidarity and morality. Instead of combating individualism, he proposed that modern Western settings should cultivate “the cult of individualism” in a manner that promotes social solidarity. They must embrace the common set of beliefs to unite citizens, and the liberal humanist ideal of protecting the sanctity神圣性 of the individual as human being against the violation of his/her inalienable不可剥夺的rights. This shared attachment to human rights and the cult of individualism can act as the central dynamic of social integration within western modernity.







The Moral Malaise of Western Modernity



The uninterrupted and rapid spread of scientific rationalism, industrialization, and individuation combine to bring about a moral malaise in the modern West.





“The former gods are growing old or dying, and others have not born.”



Transcendental divinities have fades away, while moral and solidaritic mechanisms have not yet feed the heart and soul of society.





This assessment draws from his cross-cultural analyses of religion among “primitive” peoples. “Primitive” rituals and beliefs inject vitality into human existence and conjure up a sense of community: they provide both the space and time for individuals to join together, reaffirm their commitment to shared values and rules mediated by a common symbolic order.





On the other hand, it cannot unproblematically serve as blueprint for Euro-American society because of heteronomy. So, Euro-American must nurture their own collective rituals and creeds, in order to immerse social life in a republican sense of civic morality nourished by the sacred’s creative forces.



ð Sociology as a problem-solving science



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我问的问题:


Questions:


(1) Durkheim in certain extent took sociology as a problem-solving science to overcome the anomie, so in the last section, he made suggestions to resolve the moral malaise problem, that is, to form a collective consciousness by using modern ceremonies (e.g. popular events, democratic assemblies).



BUT THE QUESTION IS (1) by holding these ceremonies, you need a political target, or undemocratic others. If it happens within a society, it will definitely split society as a whole. It actually forms collective consciousness of certain groups rather than that of the entire society (Nationalist movement against foreign countries may be an exception). Probably it will go to Marx’s direction, the consciousness of working class. And we can also say, holding public ceremonies in fact is undergoing a mobilization process, and then, who will and should be the mobilizers? And who will pay the costs? These are all very important political and practical issues. Moreover, ceremonies are only temporary events, how to maintain that consciousness longer or permanently?



(2) This article keeps talking about “how to hold society as a whole” by mobilization of collective consciousness, but I am thinking on the other side, is society really that loose? Or we can ask, is there any other way of nourishing/cultivating consciousness (as I don’t think mobilization is a sustainable way)? If we follow the intellectual tradition thinking of social contract, I guess laws or social regulations or some other forms of social contracts may signify the minimal consensus of mass population (certainly the law or regulation makings are dominated by certain social groups).



(3)Durkheim’s categories:


Mechanical Solidarity—based on similarity, found in traditional and small societies;


Organic Solidarity—based on division of labor, found in industrialized societies;



[Capitalist] Industrialization à Intensified division of labor & plurality of social life;



But in China’s socialist industrialization (pre-1980s), [compared to capitalist societies at that time] it tried to reduce the class differentiations and social inequality, emphasized on a homogeneous lifestyle; the division of labor still existed, but the specialization of labor skills were not generally that being emphasized (political loyalty is more important).



If we regard Durkheim’s assumption about industrialization and social division of labor as a kind of “universal truth”, what the socialist practices tell?


2 条评论:

  1. 对最后一问的回答,张老师觉得社会主义只是一次社会实验。他提到我们尤其要重视国家的角色。在资本主义工业化的讨论中,学者们强调伴随工业化出现的公民社会及其自治能力,然而在中国的社会主义实践中,我们看到的是国家的强有力介入以及社会空间的被压缩。

    我自己在回答这个问题时候的思路是,也要注意国家介入工业化这个特点[但这一特征也出现在东亚许多经济体的发展型国家模式中]。在中国的实践中,我认为工业化主导的一个意识形态是要集中干劲干四化,通过集体宿舍、劳动时间的安排[控制闲暇时间和休闲方式]等各种制度安排来实现对劳动力资源的最大化利用。同样重要的还有重工业和轻工业的比例失调,生产生产资料多过消费用品,只满足基本生活需求。消费某种程度上被认为不仅是经济问题,更是一个政治问题,过度乃至奢侈消费是资产阶级的表现。

    通过汲取更多资源进行国家工业化,其目标是(a)加强国防,巩固政权;(b)实现民族复兴,改变落后面貌。我猜测可能是由于巩固政权作为在跟前的亟需解决以及是更现实的问题,成为优先着眼的目标。当然,在党的眼里,党的领导是工业化的重要基础。

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  2. 另外,在其他论文的讨论中,我们强调涂尔干的“社会决定论”,譬如他认为是社会塑造了个人,而非个人组成了社会。个人的行为是由社会形势决定的。于是就有同学批评他的观点忽视了人的主观能动性。我则指出,我怀疑涂尔干和韦伯一样,是假装社会/文化决定论的。他们显然意识到人的能动性问题,然后另一方面,他们又把学术作为推进社会变革的工具,在鼓吹上不遗余力,在知识生产时假装没有意识到这些问题,以便更好的立论。对我而言,重要的不是涂尔干时候意识到人的能动性,而是激发能动性的机制是如何的。

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